Dancing with the Bear
The U.S.-Russian friendship.

By NR Editors
From the December 3, 2001, issue of National Review

 
resident Bush and President Vladimir Putin have looked into each other's soul, and admired what they have seen there. A love-in is replacing the more usual formalities of high diplomacy. A seismic event like September 11 can bring about unforeseeable consequences of this kind, and that is altogether to the good. But both presidents are very level-headed, and behind the lovey rhetoric is a community of interest. Islamic extremism in the Caucasus threatens the unity of the Russian Federation. Terrorists, presumed to be Chechens, have bombed apartment buildings in Moscow and elsewhere, with huge loss of life. Al Qaeda and other networks spill across the borders to destabilize the Central Asian republics. When Putin says that he wants to see terrorism "destroyed, uprooted, liquidated," the verbs may sound Soviet, but they are to the point.

The former Russian president, Boris Yeltsin, believed that he could play Europe off against the United States. To that end, he kicked up a huge fuss about the admission to NATO of eastern European countries once in the Soviet empire and, prospectively, of the Baltic republics. Putin has been quick to perceive that the Europeans are absorbed in games of hide-and-seek in Brussels and have little or nothing to offer Russia. NATO has verbalized about Islamic terror, but has no effective role in Afghanistan. With the exception of Britain, the Europeans are happy to posture, and Putin is leaving them to it. Better, more productive, for him to turn to the United States, to declare a cost-free willingness to consider Russian membership in NATO and to negotiate new terms for nuclear-arms control and to allow for a missile defense that is going to be put in place anyhow.

Russia is not going to enjoy democracy and capitalism for years to come. But again unlike Yeltsin, Putin is laying proper foundations for a future of freedom and prosperity. He has neutered the rump of the Communist party that until recently obstructed the Duma (the parliament). He has brought to heel some of the more abusive oligarchs and provincial governors. He has cut taxes. Economic growth is impressive, and Putin is proposing the country's oil and natural-gas resources as a secure alternative to Middle Eastern sources. All that is required in order to cement a brilliant new partnership, he likes to say, is that the United States shed its past fears. At face value, this is what a complete political somersault looks like.

When the death of a rival statesman was announced, the great Prince Metternich, then the Austrian chancellor, asked, "I wonder what he means by that." We may wonder quite what Putin means with the obituary of yesterday's Russia that he is proclaiming. Russia has always been a master of grand strategy, highly skilled at gathering and projecting power even in disadvantageous circumstances, as today. Actions are what counts. Russia is selling nuclear technology to Iran and arms to Iraq, and further arguing that sanctions ought to be lifted. These sales are depicted as legitimate business. Both cases have the potential for a future crisis on a far larger scale than the crackdown on the Taliban and al Qaeda.

Having said that, and keeping fingers crossed, it is a relief as novel as it is extraordinary to be worrying about the possible perils of close Russian friendship rather than the certainties of arms-length Russian hostility.

 
 

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