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Jones is not giving any valentines to Richard Riordan. That was
apparent Wednesday night at California State University at Long
Beach. It was the third and final debate among the Republican candidates
for governor.
Secretary of
State Bill Jones and businessman Bill Simon (the two Bills) oppose
Riordan for the Republican nomination. The winner of the March 5
primary will oppose the vulnerable Gray Davis.
None of the
candidates excelled. But frontrunner Riordan may have won this debate.
Jones and Simon both made telling points, but at times Jones seemed
personal. And at times, Simon seemed tentative.
Consider the
previous (second) debate last weekend at the Republican state convention.
There, in San Jose, Simon finally said he differed with Riordan.
In non-sequitur reply, Riordan noted they attended the same parish.
Then, he reprimanded Simon. Now, at this final debate, Simon almost
deferred to Riordan.
The media ask
how much does Riordan offend Republicans on issues like abortion,
gays, guns, quotas, the death penalty, immigration? In fact, many
pragmatic Republicans might tolerate Riordan's idiosyncratic views
on social issues. Yet, on taxes, Republicans can be unforgiving.
Too bad Simon didn't figure that out earlier.
The Simon campaign
has astonished observers. Simon did not advertise early, when there
was no media clutter. That's when he needed to increase his I.D.
beyond placebo levels. Now, Simon spends more, to get himself known
and also to attack Riordan. It's difficult to do both, simultaneously.
Bill Jones
has a track record of opposing Gray Davis and his policies. Jones
has less baggage than Riordan. He has a solid reformist portfolio
as secretary of state. Thus, Jones has potential for against Davis.
But the Bush high command and its donors have ostracized Jones.
That's because Jones had switched from Bush to McCain after New
Hampshire.
The Jones campaign
seems curious. Jones wasted his time for months attacking Riordan
on matters without traction. For example, this week and again Wednesday
night, Jones attacked Riordan's wife, a liberal Democrat. She supported
liberal Democrat Kathleen Kennedy Townsend for governor of Maryland.
Instead, Jones must focus on why Riordan (other than his I.D.) remains
ahead in the primary. Why do conservatives like Congressmen Chris
Cox, Dana Rohrabacher, and Ed Royce support Riordan? They believe
Riordan has the best chance to defeat Davis.
But Davis's
attacks on Riordan's flip-flops hint at the eventual Davis theme.
Davis will make an issue of how Riordan campaigns. He will charge
that Riordan does not know his own positions. Without ever mentioning
Riordan's age, Davis plans to question Riordan's fitness.
Will the unfocused
Riordan self-destruct against the disciplined Davis? And how can
the Riordan ad hoc campaign match the Davis strategic campaign?
How can Riordan make November a referendum on the unpopular Davis,
when Riordan has made himself the issue?
Jones has failed
to raise these key questions, much less answer them.
What's the
wild card here? Will the Davis ads against Riordan actually help
Riordan in the primary? Will Republicans thereby assume it's a Davis-Riordan
race? Or will the Davis ads hurt Riordan's credibility, even in
his own primary? Thus, will Republicans question whether Riordan
actually can defeat Davis in November?
And will Simon's
expected attack ads against Riordan play? Will they just hurt Riordan,
or will they really help Simon? If they just hurt Riordan, would
bystander Jones benefit?
How will Riordan respond? Riordan could increase his ad buys, funded
by his personal fortune. And even the slow-moving Riordan campaign
might run anti-Simon ads. Riordan would hit Simon for not voting
in past elections. Will this volatility provide an opening for tortoise
Bill Jones? Can he exploit such disarray, if he only has $1 million
for TV ads?
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