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that you'd know it from Thomas Edsall's reporting in the Washington
Post, but David Brock has had a grievance
against Ted
and Barbara Olson for years. Ted Olson is up for confirmation as
President Bush's solicitor general. Yesterday, Edsall reported that
Brock told the Senate Judiciary Committee that Olson's testimony
before it had been misleading. Edsall's report appears to have caused
the committee to delay a vote on Olson for a week.
Brock caused
a minor stir in the summer of 1997 when he wrote an essay called
"Confessions of a Right-Wing Hit Man" for Esquire.
In it, he detailed his disillusion with the Right, which was unable
to tolerate a journalist as single-mindedly devoted to truth as
he. His opening anecdote concerned a phone call from Barbara Olson.
Mrs. Olson
was calling to ask Brock not to come to a party at her place. He
writes that she disinvited him because his just-released book on
Hillary Clinton had not been as savage toward her as the Olsons,
being Clinton-haters, had wanted. She says that the real reason
she asked him not to come was that other guests had been sources
for Brock's book and felt that he had burned them by revealing their
identities; she didn't want any unpleasantness at the party. In
Esquire, Brock wrote that "Barbara's message was especially
jarring, given that Ted Olson. . . had a thriving First Amendment
practice." (The First Amendment being the one that protects
freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and the right to party.)
Edsall's piece
doesn't mention this background. Nor does it mention that Brock
has a book coming out on the vast conspiracy of right-wing Clinton-haters.
He presents himself as having been one of the conspirators as a
writer for the conservative magazine The American Spectator,
although he is now repentant. The book is relevant because Brock's
allegation is that Ted Olson misled the committee by downplaying
his involvement in The American Spectator's investigations
of President Clinton. Brock could well be trying to get some advance
publicity for himself and his subject. Clinton's journalistic defenders,
who have been obsessing about the Spectator for years, have
also tried to discredit various Clinton critics for having axes
to grind and books to sell. If that standard should apply to "Clinton-haters,"
it ought to apply to their haters, too.
The Spectator
had a so-called "Arkansas Project" to look into Clinton's
misdeeds as governor. Olson has said that he didn't know about the
project until 1997, when he looked into it as a member of the magazine's
board. Reporters affiliated with Salon, a liberal magazine,
have suggested that the project was actually launched in Olson's
law office and that he may have been paid for his work on the project.
What exactly
counts as "work on the project" is, however, a matter
of dispute. Brock says that Olson came to dinners with him and the
magazine's editor, R. Emmett Tyrrell, to discuss possible stories
on Clinton scandals. Even if Brock is telling the truth here — something
one usually cannot assume — it is quite possible that Olson did
not understand himself to be participating in some "project"
by talking about Clinton scandals with Tyrrell. If discussing the
scandals with Tyrrell counts as being part of the project, then
for several years anyone who talked to Tyrrell at all was a participant.
Every discussion your correspondents had with him during that time
touched on the Clinton scandals. The man did write two books about
the subject.
The Arkansas
Project's records show $8,000 in payments to Olson's law firm Gibson,
Dunn. But the project's finances — as its critics have explained
— were shrouded in mystery and later had to be investigated by the
board; Olson's claim not to have known whether the magazine was
attributing its payments of him to the project is quite plausible.
The payment was for research Olson did on possible criminal laws
the president may have broken if all the allegations against him
were true. The Spectator published an article — the magazine
left the authors anonymous, but Olson was one of them — listing
those laws. Olson didn't consider that work to be part of a gumshoe
effort in Arkansas, and no reasonable person would. It is also quite
plausible that Olson "did not know that there was a special
source of funding" for this project, as Olson has written to
the ranking Democrat on the judiciary committee.
On February
18, 1994, Gibson, Dunn sent a letter describing "the terms
of our representation of The American Spectator" in
this matter. Note that Gibson, Dunn was representing the Spectator,
not the Arkansas Project; indeed, the words "Arkansas Project"
do not appear in the letter. It states: "On behalf of The
American Spectator, you have engaged us to prepare, on an expedited
basis, a chart summarizing various Federal and State criminal laws
that may be implicated by conduct of certain public officials as
that conduct has been reported in the press. You have not asked
us to do any independent factual research into that conduct or to
reach any professional judgment concerning whether prosecutable
offenses have in fact been committed." The letter is entirely
consistent with Olson's testimony before the judiciary committee.
The people making these tissue-thin accusations against Olson bring
more discredit on themselves than on him.
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