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new bill in the Senate that appears to be about insuring transparency
in the post-Enron world is actually a Trojan horse, filled with
an enormous hidden tax.
Senate bill
S.1940, called "Ending the Double Standard for Stock Options
Act," was introduced a month ago by Sen. Carl Levin (D., Mich.),
with co-sponsorship by John McCain (R., Ariz) and three other senators.
It seeks to motivate companies to include executive and employee
stock-option expenses in earnings reports by limiting corporate
tax deductions to the amount that is expensed. But on the inside
there's also a tax-hike structured in a strongly anti-supply-side
way that would reduce incentives to invest and systemically
raise the cost of capital for American business.
Tech-industry
advocates are fighting the bill today, but they are only complaining
about the hit to earnings calculated using the Generally Accepted
Accounting Principles that would result from having to expense options
and GAAP earnings are just an accounting convention, not
real money. What they aren't talking about is that this is a real
tax increase, one that would cost real money and hurt real
earnings. Here's why.
Today, section
83(h) of the Internal Revenue Code allows companies to deduct from
taxable income the difference between a stock option's exercise
price and the company's stock price at the time the option is exercised.
That's the same basis on which the option holder pays personal income
taxes on his gains. For example, Cisco's current and deferred tax
deductions in fiscal 2001 for options exercised on 133 million shares
with a weighted average exercise price of $7.43 was $1.8 billion.
It's not specifically disclosed, but a reasonable guess is that
the total expense giving rise to this deduction was about $5.1 billion.S.1940
would change the Internal Revenue Code by limiting a company's tax
deduction to "the amount the taxpayer has treated as an expense
for the purpose of ascertaining income, profit, or loss in a report
or statement to shareholders. . . . "
On the surface
it would seem that all a company would have to do to hang onto its
tax deductions would be to report as an expense whatever amount
they are now deducting. That would be a bad hit to the optics of
GAAP earnings, but the deduction would be preserved and no real
money would be lost. But here's what's inside the Trojan horse:
companies can't do that. They can't just make up GAAP as
they go along in order to get tax deductions. As GAAP is very clear
about how options expenses are to be reported, there's no way under
GAAP that companies will get the deductions they are used to.
Under GAAP
there are only two ways to report options expenses. One is the "intrinsic
value method." Because an option issued with its exercise price
set at the current stock price has no intrinsic value, the expense
of issuing it is zero. When it is exercised the company makes no
cash outlay, so that's a zero expense, too. This is the method that
virtually all companies use today in order to justify reporting
a zero-options expense. And zero is not a very attractive tax deduction.
The only permissible
alternative under GAAP is the "fair value method." Under
this method a company estimates the value of options when they are
issued using the Black Scholes option-pricing model, and then applies
that value as an expense spread evenly over the option's life.
Returning to
Cisco as an example, fiscal 2001 option expenses would have been
$1.7 under the proposed Senate bill. That's a lot less than the
actual economic expense of $5.1 billion, and it gives rise to a
commensurately smaller tax deduction: I estimate that Cisco's deduction
would fall from $1.8 billion to $592 million if this bill were to
become law an effective tax increase of $1.16 billion
dollars. And there's nothing particularly unusual about Cisco
most big-technology companies would get hit the same.
The tax increase
is progressive because it gets bigger and bigger as a company's
stock performs better. When a company's stock soars, the real economic
expense of delivering stock to employees who exercise options at
below-market prices also rockets up. Under S.1940, the tax deduction
is fixed forever at the option's fair value at the time it was issued.
The only way
out, if S.1940 is enacted, would be for the Financial Accounting
Standards Board to issue new rules that would permit the inclusion
of the intrinsic value of exercised options in income statements.
S.1940 effectively puts the FASB in the position of writing tax
law.
That's
what's inside the Trojan horse: a huge progressive tax increase.
If S.1940 is enacted, this enormous tax hike would severely diminish
real corporate earnings not just reported GAAP earnings.
And the bigger the expected upside, the bigger the diminution. Companies
would move at the margin to replace option-based compensation with
cash compensation, and real earnings would fall even more. Stock
prices would have to fall to equilibrate with lower earnings expectations.
That would have the effect of raising the cost of capital to companies,
which will discourage investment and risk-taking. And that
would lower long-term growth prospects for the entire economy
with those diminished growth prospects requiring even further downward
equilibration of stock prices.
Sen. Levin's
bill would hit every company that issues options from start-ups
seeking venture-capital funding to mature technology companies like
Cisco, and all the way up the food chain to giants like General
Electric. But it's the small, young companies at the bottom of the
food chain who will suffer most, because they are most dependent
on options for the acquisition of scarce intellectual capital
and they have no other way to pay for it.
Impairment
in that part of the economy would have tragic consequences, because
small companies are the engines of job formation and technology
innovation in the economy. Senators simply can't allow this Trojan
horse to release its dangerous cargo.
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